Before December 2018, very few people knew his name.
He was the little-known mayor of Beylikdüzü, one of Istanbul’s rapidly developing districts.
Just three months later, in March 2019, his name was everywhere, as Istanbul's new mayor.
Today, Ekrem İmamoğlu stands as one of Turkey’s strongest presidential contenders.
However, he is facing various obstacles imposed by the government.
First, his 35-year-old university diploma was revoked, then he was accused of being a "leader of a criminal organization for profit," a charge typically used against mafia bosses.
That December in 2018, as he was beginning to draw wider public attention, İmamoğlu welcomed important guests into his family home.
Among them was Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu, then leader of CHP, along with his team. They had come for breakfast. At one point, Kılıçdaroğlu turned to İmamoğlu’s father, Hasan İmamoğlu, a former centre-right politician. And then, he spoke the words that would alter the course of Turkish politics:
“We’ve come to ask for your permission to have your son as our candidate.”
İmamoğlu was now the opposition’s candidate for Istanbul’s mayoralty.
He walked through every street, every neighborhood. He promised to be the mayor of all 16 million Istanbulites. To those who told him they wouldn’t vote for him, he simply replied:
“That’s okay—your well-being matters more.”
On March 31, 2019, he defeated his opponent, former Prime Minister and Parliament Speaker Binali Yıldırım, by a razor-thin margin—just 13,729 votes.
But the ruling party challenged the result and on May 6, Turkey’s Supreme Election Council annulled the vote.
That night, he stepped forward to face the crowd that had gathered to support him.
He loosened his tie, unbuttoned his collar, took off his jacket, rolled up his sleeves, and stood before the microphone.
On June 23, in the re-run election, he won again—this time by nearly 800,000 votes, with a nine-point lead. Between the two elections, in an interview, he made no secret of where he ultimately wanted this long road to lead.
Who is Ekrem İmamoğlu?
Ekrem İmamoğlu was born in 1970 in Akçaabat, Trabzon—a small village of just 40 households, as he describes it.
He grew up in a wealthy, conservative Black Sea family and had a happy childhood.
"I feel very lucky that my childhood was spent in Trabzon, surrounded by its lush green nature, wild sea, and stone-paved streets. I can say that I had a happy and free childhood."
Like many children from conservative Anatolian families, he spent his summers attending Quran courses.
In primary school, his teacher introduced him to handball, but it was football that truly captured his interest.
Following his family’s wishes, he enrolled in civil engineering at Eastern Mediterranean University in Cyprus. But when there, he convinced his uncle, who was accompanying him, and switched to the English Business program at Girne American University.
His passion for football continued in university—he even become a goalkeeper for Türk Ocağı Limasol Sports Club.
Years later, the club’s president at the time, Aysol Cibo, would describe the young goalkeeper like this:
"Before the game, we would give a motivational speech, and Ekrem's eyes would fill with tears. He was a child deeply devoted to his country, his people, and his faith. As he spent time with us, got to know us, and understood our values, he was greatly influenced by us. And he became a social democrat like us. We weren’t left-wing or right-wing—we were social democrats."
Two years later, he transferred to Istanbul University’s English Business program. This transfer would later become a point of controversy.
After graduating in 1994, İmamoğlu went on to complete a master’s degree in Human Resources and Management at the same university.
He balanced his studies while working at his family’s construction business. In his early 20s, he even opened a small köfte restaurant in Güngören.
And that restaurant would later host a very special guest—then-İstanbul mayor Recep Tayyip Erdoğan
İmamoğlu was always quick to take bold steps—including in his marriage.
In 1994, a year he describes as “the turning point of my life,” he met Dilek Kaya, the daughter of a family from his hometown, Trabzon.
At first, it seemed like an impossible love. Dilek Kaya was the sister of his friend—and in those years, especially in the Black Sea region, that was against the code.
But he didn’t give up. He made a plan, followed it step by step—and in the end, he won her heart.
In 1995, they got married. Marrying young, Dilek İmamoğlu continued her education—it was her condition for saying yes. They have two sons and a daughter. Throughout her husband’s political journey, she has often stood by his side.
But that journey didn’t begin in a social democratic party.
His early years in politics
His political journey started in the centre-right Motherland Party (ANAP).
The Motherland Party (ANAP) governed Turkey single-handedly from 1983 to 1991. Among the founders of its Trabzon branch was İmamoğlu’s father, Hasan İmamoğlu.
Following in his father’s footsteps, young İmamoğlu frequented the party’s youth wing.
In 2008, at 38 years old, he decided to enter politics—but this time, he chose the Republican People’s Party (CHP).
A year after joining, he applied to run for mayor of Beylikdüzü—but his candidacy was rejected. Still, he didn’t give up. Not long after, he became the district chairman of CHP in Beylikdüzü.
In 2014, he took his first major step in politics—running for mayor in the same district.
He won Beylikdüzü, a district governed by the ruling AK Party for a decade, with a 12-point lead.
By 2017, two years before the local elections, the AK Party had already sensed trouble in major cities. Both the Istanbul and Ankara mayors were forced to resign.
This move prompted the opposition to act early—meetings and profile assessments began under one key question:
“Who should be CHP’s candidate for Istanbul?”
The CHP Istanbul Provincial Chair at the time, Canan Kaftancıoğlu, took the initiative.
She assembled a team—mostly composed of independent experts from outside the party.
The team outlined the ideal candidate profile—someone who could win Istanbul:
Between 45 and 55 years old, male, experienced in local governance, a proven success story, non-partisan in rhetoric and approach, respectful towards religion, preferably from the Black Sea region…
In other words—Ekrem İmamoğlu.
But there was one problem—İmamoğlu was virtually unknown.
There was hesitation within CHP. It was Kaftancıoğlu who took the risk and İmamoğlu said yes to the offer.
He would prove himself as a campaign powerhouse for the first time in that election—running as the candidate of the Nation Alliance.
For years, CHP had been trying to win over conservative voters to secure an election victory. And İmamoğlu knew exactly who held the key to that “long road.”
By reciting Surah Yasin at Eyüp Mosque, he sent a clear message to voters—he was not a typical CHP candidate.
Throughout the campaign, he walked through neighborhoods known as AK Party strongholds. He reached voters most skeptical of CHP—especially in local markets.
His opponent? Then-Parliament Speaker Binali Yıldırım.
In the March 31 election, where 10.56 million voters cast their ballots, İmamoğlu won—by just 13,729 votes. The vote count dragged on for 17 days. He finally received his mandate on April 17, 2019. But on May 6, the Supreme Election Council annulled the Istanbul election.
On June 23, Istanbul voters went to the polls once again. This time, the margin was decisive—he won by 9 points, securing over 806,000 more votes than his opponent.
He was now the mayor of one of the world’s most iconic cities.
Beyond running the municipality, he had to navigate the treacherous path of politics. As he moved forward, he stumbled at times, tripped by political obstacles.
His first term as İstanbul mayor
In 2020, an earthquake in Elazığ and Malatya claimed 41 lives. İmamoğlu first visited the disaster zone, then joined his family in Erzurum, where they were on a ski holiday during the mid-term break.
Facing criticism, he responded to journalist Abdülkadir Selvi, saying he wanted to spend time with his family—and that he did not see politics as just a profession.
"In four hundred days, I was able to spend only eight days with my children—that's the first thing. Second, for the first time, I spent three full days with my entire family. So, we are well aware of the sacrifices that come with politics. But I always say this: there is no point in sanctifying politics. Like millions of other fathers, my family is what is sacred to me. Politics is not a profession for me. Since the day I entered politics, I have embraced the mindset of being able to walk away from it in a single day."
On another occasion, as heavy snowfall paralyzed Istanbul, his dinner with the British Ambassador became a major controversy. For days, government officials used it as political ammunition. Footage from the meeting, captured by security cameras, was leaked to the media.
At times, İmamoğlu also found himself targeted by his own political camp. For instance, in May 2022, he faced backlash for inviting pro-government journalists on his Black Sea tour.
In response to criticism, he dismissed it with a phrase: "It goes in one ear and out the other."
He would later apologize for those words.
Fluent in English and attracting the attention of foreign politicians, İmamoğlu delivered a speech at the European Parliament in 2019.
This made him a target of then-Interior Minister Süleyman Soylu:
"I am speaking to the fool who went to the European Parliament to complain about Turkey. This nation will make you pay the price for it. This is not something that comes without consequences. Shame on you."
His response was swift:
"I look at the words to see if they have any worth, and I look at the person to see if they are worthy. When we consider those who annulled the March 31 election and how this made us look in the eyes of the world, especially in Europe, it becomes clear that those who annulled the March 31 election are indeed fools."
Following his remarks, he was charged with insulting members of the Supreme Election Council (YSK). The case seeking a political ban on İmamoğlu became known in Turkish history as the "Ahmak Trial" (The Fool Trial).
In December 2022, on the day the verdict was expected, İmamoğlu called on supporters via social media to gather at Saraçhane, the historic seat of Istanbul’s municipality.
In the 2019 local elections, the İYİ Party, led by Meral Akşener, had partnered with CHP, helping secure İmamoğlu’s victory. On the day of the verdict, Akşener responded to his call, saying:
“I’ve set off from Ankara—see you in Saraçhane.”
Meanwhile, CHP leader Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu was in Germany that day. When the court sentenced İmamoğlu to 2 years, 7 months, and 15 days, Akşener was standing by his side.
This provided the ruling party with ammunition to weaken the opposition alliance, while also sparking unease within the CHP.
Tensions escalated further as the general election drew closer. Akşener rejected Kılıçdaroğlu’s candidacy and collapsed the opposition’s six-party alliance.
She urged İmamoğlu and Yavaş to rebel against the decision. Those seeking to rebuild the alliance devised a formula to keep Akşener in the game. Kılıçdaroğlu was declared the opposition’s presidential candidate, with İmamoğlu and Yavaş named as his vice presidents. The five other leaders of the Six-Party Alliance joined the ticket as well.
But the opposition lost the election. As AKP opponents grappled with a deep political trauma, on the morning of May 29, Ekrem İmamoğlu ignited the spark for change within CHP—with a single video.
‘‘Dear children, do not—under any circumstances—be sad. Precious young people, never, ever fall into despair. No one should worry. Everything is starting anew. Remember, the only constant is change. Change in every field, in every environment. We will no longer expect different results by doing the same things. We will do as Atatürk did at the age of 38. We will do as Fatih Sultan Mehmet did at the age of 21.’’
It was no surprise that İmamoğlu’s message referenced both Atatürk and Sultan Mehmed II. Over time, İmamoğlu’s ability to blend secular and conservative rhetoric would become a defining trait. CHP delegates, weary of Kılıçdaroğlu’s leadership, found hope in the prospect of another CHP figure capable of defeating Erdoğan.
Resisting change, Kılıçdaroğlu lost the election to Özgür Özel, İmamoğlu’s endorsed candidate. Fifteen years after joining CHP in 2008, İmamoğlu had gained the power to unseat its leader.
‘Full speed ahead’
The 2024 local elections were the first major test for CHP’s new leadership—a chance to prove its strength.
This time, there were no broad alliances. In a crowded race, his main opponent was Murat Kurum, former Minister of Environment, Urbanization, and Climate Change.
But İmamoğlu knew who his real rival was. He entered the campaign with the slogan “Full speed ahead,” And in a nod to Istanbul’s sizable Black Sea community, he danced the traditional horon folk dance enthusiastically in his campaign song.
In Turkey, anyone embarking on the “long road” must win over another key voting bloc. On the campaign trail, he brought a Kurdish-speaking translator. He repeatedly sent messages of solidarity to imprisoned Kurdish politician Selahattin Demirtaş.
Affordable municipal canteens, expanded rail systems and maritime transport, and newly opened neighborhood preschools—all helped boost İmamoğlu’s voter support.
Spending significant time among the people, his strong connection with young voters and approachable demeanor became key advantages.
His quick wit and humor often amplified his media presence. İmamoğlu defeated his opponent by nearly 12 points. As he took office for the second time, a religious cleric recited prayers in his office.
By then, he was making it increasingly clear where he wanted this road to lead. On October 29, 2024, at Istanbul’s Yenikapı Square during Republic Day celebrations, he declared: “That day has come.”
As İmamoğlu openly declared where he wanted to go on his long journey, those who sought to block his path with obstacles were also preparing to take action.
First, Ahmet Özer, who was elected mayor of Istanbul's Esenyurt district through a city consensus with the pro-Kurdish DEM Party, was arrested on terrorism charges. Then, CHP mayors of Beşiktaş and Beykoz have also been arrested.
İmamoğlu was also personally besieged by five separate lawsuits against him.
The Istanbul Chief Public Prosecutor's Office, which has played a role in many political decisions in recent years, requested Istanbul University to revoke İmamoğlu’s diploma, alleging irregularities.
According to the constitution, a candidate without a university diploma cannot run for president.
All these developments have prompted İmamoğlu’s inner circle to push forward a long-discussed plan to shield him politically. That shield was the official announcement of İmamoğlu’s presidential candidacy.
CHP decided to hold a primary election. İmamoğlu was nominated with the signatures of 116 out of CHP’s 133 MPs.
With the primary election decision, İmamoğlu also launched his presidential campaign.
His first stop was İzmir.
Once again, he took off his tie and jacket, rolled up his sleeves, and addressed Erdoğan directly.The response would be harsh.
On March 18, the Istanbul University Board of Directors revoked İmamoğlu’s 35-year-old diploma.
The next morning, in Istanbul where protests and demonstrations had been banned for four days, the city witnessed scenes reminiscent of martial law as police raided the homes of mayors with hundreds of officers.
For many, the events called to mind Putin’s Russia, where opponents were sidelined through various accusations and investigations.
İmamoğlu, along with 106 others, was detained on charges including corruption and terrorism.
Before his arrest, he posted a video in which he adjusted his tie, straightened his shirt, and said, "I entrust myself to the people."
While he was in custody, CHP members held a large-scale primary election, officially declaring İmamoğlu as their presidential candidate.
He beat Erdogan three times
One of the biggest criticisms against İmamoğlu is the claim that he could become a second Erdoğan.
In fact, there are striking similarities between the two.
Both were elected despite resistance from the central government. Both faced smear campaigns by the pro-government media. Both saw their policies blocked by the ruling administration.
But the most significant parallel? Both were targeted with legal cases aimed at banning them from politics.
Erdoğan always believed that whoever wins Istanbul, wins Turkey. At least, that had been true for him.
Now, Ekrem İmamoğlu hopes to complete his own “long road” the same way.
To achieve this, he relies on think tanks, professional advisors, and his ability to win over AKP voters he meets on the streets.
But his greatest advantage goes beyond strategy—he took Istanbul from Erdoğan.
Not once, but three times.
