To some, he is a visionary leader; to others, a militant figurehead—or even the 'baby killer,' a term widely used by his critics. Abdullah Öcalan, founder of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), has been one of the most polarizing figures in modern Turkish history. A man whose ideological evolution and strategic maneuvering shaped not only the Kurdish nationalist movement but also the broader geopolitical landscape of the Middle East.
Imprisoned for 26 years on İmralı Island, Turkey, his name is still synonymous with both armed rebellion and political negotiations.
Who is Abdullah Öcalan, and what led to his rise, capture, and decades-long imprisonment?
Who is he?
Born in 1949 in the small village of Ömerli, Halfeti (in present-day Şanlıurfa Province), Öcalan grew up in a community where Kurdish was widely spoken, and Turkish was, for many, a foreign tongue. His first encounter with Turkish nationalism and the state’s institutional authority came when he attended primary school, where he was first exposed to the language and the ideology of the Turkish Republic.
His move to Ankara for high school exposed him to the disparities of class and power in the capital. Years later, reflecting on this period, he would describe it as a time when he could "rely on the state to navigate Ankara’s realities while also observing bourgeois society at its very core."
After high school, he moved to Diyarbakır, a city with a majority-Kurdish population and a hub of political activism. He took a job at the land registry office, where, to this day, some property records still bear his signature. It was in Diyarbakır that he first encountered the radical left and began forming his own ideological vision.
In later years, allegations surfaced that he had taken bribes during his time as a public official. Rather than deny the accusations, he framed the money as a form of “revolutionary tax.” As he would later write:
"I thought it through, debated it, and, in the end, convinced my conscience. This money could be used for Kurdistan, and that made it legitimate."
With these funds, he left for Istanbul, aiming to study political science. Blocked from enrolling, he instead entered law school, but his academic career soon took a backseat to activism. By 1971, he had transferred to Ankara University’s Faculty of Political Science, a breeding ground for leftist mobilization during one of Turkey’s most turbulent decades.
The formation of the PKK
The 1970s in Turkey were marked by violent ideological clashes between the left and right. Universities became battlegrounds of political struggle. At the time, Kurdish identity was often veiled in euphemisms like "Eastern", used in place of "Kurdish" to evade state repression. One of the leading groups within this movement was the Revolutionary Eastern Cultural Hearths (DDKO), an organization that Öcalan joined.
His first direct confrontation with the state came in 1972, when he was arrested for protesting the killing of Mahir Çayan and his comrades in Kızıldere. He was detained for seven months in Mamak Prison, an experience that further radicalized him.
Upon release, he came to believe that the Kurdish movement had no future within Turkey’s broader leftist struggle. Unlike many of his contemporaries, he envisioned an independent Kurdish resistance—one that would not hesitate to take up arms.
By 1974, he had founded the Ankara Democratic Higher Education Association, a student organization that soon became a launching pad for what would become the PKK. Key members included Duran Kalkan, Cemil Bayık, Mustafa Karasu, Mazlum Doğan, and Kemal Pir—figures who would go on to play leading roles in the organization.
The group, known informally as the “Apocular” (Apo’s followers), expanded its activities beyond Ankara, organizing in Kurdish-majority areas of the country. By November 27, 1978, in the village of Fis (Lice, Diyarbakır Province), the PKK was formally established as an armed movement, dedicated to an independent Kurdish state.
In the climate of intensifying state repression of leftist groups, adopting a Kurdish name was a radical act. The PKK had its ideology, charter, and leadership structure in place—what remained was military training. Like other militant groups of the era, the PKK sought alliances in the Middle East, setting up training camps in Syria, Lebanon, and Palestine.
From insurgency to imprisonment
The 1980 military coup in Turkey escalated tensions, and Öcalan relocated to Syria, from where he directed the PKK’s operations for nearly two decades. Under his leadership, the group launched its first attacks on Turkish military targets in 1984, triggering a conflict that would shape Turkey’s security policy for decades.
By the 1990s, Öcalan’s role had expanded beyond military command—he became an almost mythological figure within the movement. He was no longer just a leader but an ideological guide, a title that cemented his uncontested authority within the organization.
However, diplomatic pressure from Turkey mounted. By 1998, Turkey was threatening military action against Syria unless Öcalan was expelled. Under international pressure, Damascus forced him to leave, sending him on a desperate journey through Greece, Russia, and Italy—each country unwilling to grant him refuge.
On February 15, 1999, Öcalan, traveling under a false Cypriot passport, was captured in Nairobi, Kenya, in a joint CIA–Turkish intelligence operation. He was flown directly to Turkey, where he would stand trial.
Imprisonment and political evolution
In June 1999, Öcalan was sentenced to death for treason. However, with Turkey’s push for EU membership, the death penalty was abolished in 2004, and his sentence was commuted to aggravated life imprisonment.
From his cell on İmralı Island, Öcalan continued to shape Kurdish politics. He was a key player in the 2013–2015 peace process, where his negotiations with the Turkish state nearly led to a historic settlement. However, as tensions mounted—both within Turkey and inside the PKK itself—the process collapsed in July 2015, and the conflict resumed.
Since then, Öcalan has remained in isolation, with only occasional visits from family or legal representatives. His influence over the Kurdish movement endures, yet whether he still holds the power to alter its trajectory remains an open question.
A figure of controversy
Is Abdullah Öcalan a freedom fighter or a warlord? A political prisoner or an insurgent leader? His legacy depends on who you ask. What is certain is that, even after decades in prison, his name continues to shape Turkey’s political landscape—and the future of the Kurdish question.